According to Functionalists, it is the problem itself that defines the form of administration within which it is to be solved. Interrelationships and interdependencies should therefore be allowed to develop freely, along with such functional requirements. Functionalism fosters a 'working peace system' through a process of learning and task expansion, thus leading to changes in attitudes and finally enmeshment, defined as the 'spillover effect'.

Attitudes change from antagonism to conciliation as results from reaping mutual benefits through cooperation become clearer - such as trade between Australia and Taiwan, or Taiwan and the PRC. Enmeshment results from the unified effects of on-going activities between the parties concerned, which in turn leads to greater interdependence and increasing costs of severing ties already established. These two elements therefore reduce the likelihood of war. Hence, Functionalism states that change is gradual and not revolutionary, emphasising the positive effects of creating confidence and trust through cooperation, and not national loyalties.

When applied to international relations, increasing levels of international economic and political cooperation are requirements to solving political rivalries and ultimately war. Cooperation, through multiple channels of communication, may take many forms and eventually leads to the development of a mutual sense of shared interests and attitudes. These channels of communication may vary from state controlled - such as bureaucrats from different countries dealing directly with each other at meetings, on the telephone or in writing - to privately controlled - such as contacts between Transnational corporations and banks. All such channels of communication play a large role in effecting both domestic and interstate relations.

Many concepts associated with the theory of Functionalism in international relations can be employed to analyse Taiwan?s foreign relations. In particular, the processes of enmeshment and 'spillover effects', that is, the positive outcome of cooperation in one area of activities between two conflicting parties will spread to and facilitate cooperation in other areas, eventually leading to a working relationship between those parties concerned. Such a concept applies particularly well to Taiwan?s trade relationships.

For example, although Australia broke off relations with the KMT government on Taiwan, both Australia and Taiwan had by that time already formed interrelationships and interdependencies through NGOs where a working 'peace system' had emerged. The mutual benefits built up over time between Australia and Taiwan therefore far outweighed the mutual loss that would have resulted from the elimination of all contacts, even unofficial.

Since 1972, contacts between Australia and Taiwan have continued to take place on two plains, namely IOs and NGOs. As an indication of the many links through which Transnational contacts occur through IOs, IOs of which Australia, Taiwan and the PRC are all members number 112. IOs of which Australia and Taiwan are members - and the PRC is not - number 285. IOs of which Australia and the PRC are members - and Taiwan is not - number 226. The total number of IOs through which Australia has contacts with the PRC and Taiwan therefore number 623. These figures are an indication of the huge amount of unofficial contacts that Australia has with both the Taiwan and the PRC in the international arena.

The second level of contacts between Australia and Taiwan has occurred at the domestic level through NGOs. Although the lack of recognition has undermined greatly Taiwan's international standing, it has still been possible for it to conduct its foreign policy in less institutional ways. Unable to conduct fully-fledged diplomatic relations with Australia, it is within a framework of unofficial contacts that Taiwan conducts its full foreign policy.

Especially during the 1970s when many countries switched recognition to the PRC, Taiwan's relationships with the rest of the world suffered enormous damage. The lack of official channels of communication rendered any attempts to improve relations almost impossible. As a stopgap measure though, many countries have allowed Taiwan to establish private organisations to maintain at least some degree of cultural and economic relationships. Established strictly in a private capacity, they are subject to the domestic legislation of those countries concerned.

The evolution of such organisations indicates a desire by many nations - including Australia - to maintain contacts with Taiwan, but within a framework that does not conflict with official relations with the PRC. In this regard then, it is possible to say also that this form of quasi-diplomacy has allowed Taiwan a certain place on the international stage, a place that it would not have had if the rigid norms and accepted traditions of international law and recognition were strictly adhered to. In other words, Taiwan is a 'living' example of an alternative world relying not on diplomacy and recognition for interstate relationships, but upon less official multiple channels of communications.

The use of a Functionalist approach does not necessarily imply the total exclusion of the state as an actor in international politics. This would indeed prove erroneous. The employment of a Functionalist model nevertheless allows a concurrent analysis of state-to-state relations, as well as the analysis of relations between non-state actors and seems to be the most appropriate tool for analysing Taiwan's foreign relations.

Welcome to my new look site. Look around and send me any suggestions you may have. © Copyright 2002 All Rights Reserved