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A Theoretical Framework
for Analysing Taiwan's Foreign Relations
The inherent nature of the problem at hand complicates the theoretical
framework of analysis required for the comparison of Australia's
relations with Taiwan and the PRC. On the one hand, a framework
must be constructed to analyse Australia's official relations with
the PRC. On the other hand, a suitable framework also must be constructed
to analyse Australia's relations with Taiwan. As there exists no
formal body of theory that deals with complex problems arising out
of divided nations, a new theoretical base must be adapted which
can combine conditions by using basic principles and assumptions
already existing in international relations theory. These assumptions
may then be implemented within the framework in which Australia-PRC
and Australia-Taiwan must operate i.e., those philosophies, agreements
and treaties already agreed to by Australia, Taiwan and the PRC.
Before describing the environment in which Australia-PRC and Australia-Taiwan
contacts are enacted, an analysis of various 'Realist' theories
of 'nations', 'states', 'governments' and 'recognition', and their
application to this scenario, will be made.
States, Nations and Nation-States
Concepts of the 'state', 'nation' or 'nation-state' constitute
the basis of most international relations theories, where the primary
actors in world politics are independent nation-states. Such concepts
form the foundation of 'Realist' interpretations of international
relations. Realists believe that the structure of world alliances,
power, dependence and interdependence create invisible boundaries
in which states and policy makers can operate, no matter what their
ideological persuasion or the state of domestic opinion. The basis
of the international system is the state, and all international
exchanges are secondary to state doctrines and beliefs. To understand
the Realist model then, the concept of 'state' must first be examined.
The 'state' can be regarded as an entity that has a similar sense
of purpose and direction as a person and is capable of rational
action. The fundamental assumptions behind this then are that nation-states
place a high value on national security to protect their 'core'
values; that states will react fearfully against threats to their
security and therefore seek to enhance their power; that states
are responsible only unto themselves, and self help and survival
are basic instincts; and that its relationships with others are
determined by the interaction of their respective strengths.
Realists assume that every state has a 'national interest' that
benefits the whole nation in preference to individual sections.
The national interest of a state is mainly identified with 'national
security', and the pursuit of the state's 'strategic interests'
is the main objective of its foreign policy. A state holds certain
doctrines and ideologies that it deems essential to its survival
and for which it will go to war to defend. Every state is confident
that its interests are compatible in a general way with the interests
of the international community at large, but its own interests are
its primary concern. Unless a state feels secure, it cannot be certain
of its survival, and if it cannot survive, it will not fulfil the
goals of favouring its citizens' welfare.
The state's national interests are what that state believes them
to be, and not how other states decide or interpret them. But the
perceptions held by other state's regarding another's foreign policy
objectives are just as important as that state's own foreign policy,
whether they are mistaken or not. For it is on these perceptions
that other nations base their foreign policy, and thereby take on
a real form. All nations depend on national power and its use in
achieving their foreign policy objectives. Power is therefore a
means to an end, but is also an end in itself because only with
power will a state be well placed to pursue objectives such as prosperity
and peace. Where then, does Taiwan fit into the Realist model of
international relations?
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